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While antimicrobial resistance (AMR) has rapidly ascended the political agenda in numerous high-income countries, developing effective and sustainable policy responses in low- and middle-income countries (LMIC) is far from straightforward, as AMR could be described as a classic &lsquo ; wicked problem&rsquo ; . Effective policy responses to combat AMR in LMIC will require a deeper knowledge of the policy process and its actors at all levels&mdash ; global, regional and national&mdash ; and their motivations for supporting or opposing policies to combat AMR. The influence of personal interests and connections between for-profit organisations&mdash ; such as pharmaceutical companies and food producers&mdash ; and policy actors in these settings is complex and very rarely addressed. In this paper, the authors describe the role of policy analysis focusing on social constructions, governance and power relations in soliciting a better understanding of support and opposition by key stakeholders for alternative AMR mitigation policies. Owing to the lack of conceptual frameworks on the policy process addressing AMR, we propose an approach to researching policy processes relating to AMR currently tested through our empirical programme of research in Cambodia, Pakistan, Indonesia and Tanzania. This new conceptualisation is based on theories of governance and a social construction framework and describes how the framework is being operationalised in several settings.

BACKGROUND: Industry involvement in alcohol policy is highly contentious. The Drink Free Days (DFD) campaign (2018- 2019) run by Public Health England (PHE), an executive agency of government, and Drinkaware, an industry-funded 'alcohol education charity' to encourage middle-aged drinkers to abstain from drinking on some days was criticised for perceived industry involvement. We examine the extent to which the DFD campaign was supported by local-authority Directors of Public Health (DPHs) in England - which have a statutory remit for promoting population health within their locality - and their reasons for this. METHODS: Our mixed-methods approach included a stakeholder mapping, online survey, and semi-structured interviews. The stakeholder mapping provided the basis for sampling survey and interview respondents. In total, 25 respondents completed the survey, and we conducted 21 interviews with DPHs and their local authority (LA) representatives. We examined survey responses, and coded free-text survey and interview responses to identify key themes. RESULTS: While some respondents supported the DFD campaign, others did not promote it, or actively opposed it, due mainly to concerns about conflicts of interest and the legitimacy of industry involvement in the campaign. These were considered to undermine PHE's independence and deflect attention from more important, evidence-based policy interventions such as alcohol pricing while conferring vicarious credibility on Drinkaware. We also found low levels of knowledge about alcohol-related harm, the effectiveness of different policies to address these and the policy-influencing strategies used by the alcohol industry. CONCLUSION: The findings highlight the dangers of industry partnership and potential conflicts of interest for government agencies and the ineffectiveness of the campaigns they run at local and national levels. They demonstrate the need for caution in engaging with industry-associated bodies at all levels of government and are thus of potential relevance to studies of other health-harming industries and policy contexts.

This article examines the Drink Free Days (DFD) campaign run by Public Health England and the industry funded alcohol education charity, Drinkaware, in eight English regions in 2018-2019. More specifically, it examines uses, and usefulness, of the campaign to the alcohol producers which fund Drinkaware. It draws on 36 semi-structured interviews with policy actors and a framing analysis of industry social media accounts and news coverage of the campaign. Industry-associated bodies such as Drinkaware have been identified as key components of alcohol industry strategies to influence policy and shape the regulatory contexts in which they operate in three ways. First, funding such bodies forms part of corporate social responsibility programmes which allow companies to position themselves as legitimate policy actors and 'part of the solution' to alcohol related harms. Second, reliance on industry funding incentivises governments to co-operate with industry actors and provides leverage in policy debates. Third, their programmes absorb policy bandwidth and deflect from more effective, evidence based interventions (e.g. on pricing and advertising) which affect industry sales and profits. This is particularly effective if the perception of independence from the industry is created. The analysis presented below suggests that the DFD was not used explicitly by the industry actors for public relations purposes. However, it was useful to their broader strategic aims. It reinforced the position of Drinkaware as a key policy actor and promoted the particular, industry-favoured understanding of alcohol harms and their solutions which it promotes. This is in keeping with the previous insights from international research literature on corporate political activity in health harming industries which finds that policy influence is often subtle, indirect and designed to embed organisations within the policy architecture. It suggests that government agencies should proceed with great caution in entering into such partnerships with industry associated bodies.

This article examines the Drink Free Days (DFD) campaign run by Public Health England and the industry funded alcohol education charity, Drinkaware, in eight English regions in 2018-2019. More specifically, it examines uses, and usefulness, of the campaign to the alcohol producers which fund Drinkaware. It draws on 36 semi-structured interviews with policy actors and a framing analysis of industry social media accounts and news coverage of the campaign. Industry-associated bodies such as Drinkaware have been identified as key components of alcohol industry strategies to influence policy and shape the regulatory contexts in which they operate in three ways. First, funding such bodies forms part of corporate social responsibility programmes which allow companies to position themselves as legitimate policy actors and 'part of the solution' to alcohol related harms. Second, reliance on industry funding incentivises governments to co-operate with industry actors and provides leverage in policy debates. Third, their programmes absorb policy bandwidth and deflect from more effective, evidence based interventions (e.g. on pricing and advertising) which affect industry sales and profits. This is particularly effective if the perception of independence from the industry is created. The analysis presented below suggests that the DFD was not used explicitly by the industry actors for public relations purposes. However, it was useful to their broader strategic aims. It reinforced the position of Drinkaware as a key policy actor and promoted the particular, industry-favoured understanding of alcohol harms and their solutions which it promotes. This is in keeping with the previous insights from international research literature on corporate political activity in health harming industries which finds that policy influence is often subtle, indirect and designed to embed organisations within the policy architecture. It suggests that government agencies should proceed with great caution in entering into such partnerships with industry associated bodies. ; This article is part of an evaluation commissioned and funded by Public Health England. The authors would like to thank Christopher Turner for his work in undertaking data collection in the early part of the study.

Despite global awareness of the key factors surrounding antimicrobial resistance (AMR), designing and implementing policies to address the critical issues around the drivers of AMR remains complex to put into practice. We identified prevalent narratives and framing used by epistemological communities involved in the response to AMR in Tanzania, interrogated how this framing may inform policymaking, and identified interventions that could be tailored to the groups believed responsible for AMR. We interviewed 114 key informants from three districts and analysed transcripts line by line. Our results suggest that many different groups help drive the spread of AMR in Tanzania and need to be involved in any effective response. Human health is currently perceived as driving the response, while other domains lag behind in their efforts. For AMR programmes to be successful, all sectors need to be involved, including civil society groups, community representatives, and those working in communities (e.g., primary care physicians). However, current plans and programmes largely fail to include these viewpoints. The perceived presence of political will in Tanzania is a significant step towards such a response. Any strategies to tackle AMR need to be tailored to the context-specific realities, taking into account constraints, beliefs, and power dynamics within countries.

While antimicrobial resistance (AMR) has rapidly ascended the political agenda in numerous high-income countries, developing effective and sustainable policy responses in low- and middle-income countries (LMIC) is far from straightforward, as AMR could be described as a classic 'wicked problem'. Effective policy responses to combat AMR in LMIC will require a deeper knowledge of the policy process and its actors at all levels global, regional and national and their motivations for supporting or opposing policies to combat AMR. The influence of personal interests and connections between for-profit organisations such as pharmaceutical companies and food producers and policy actors in these settings is complex and very rarely addressed. In this paper, the authors describe the role of policy analysis focusing on social constructions, governance and power relations in soliciting a better understanding of support and opposition by key stakeholders for alternative AMR mitigation policies. Owing to the lack of conceptual frameworks on the policy process addressing AMR, we propose an approach to researching policy processes relating to AMR currently tested through our empirical programme of research in Cambodia, Pakistan, Indonesia and Tanzania. This new conceptualisation is based on theories of governance and a social construction framework and describes how the framework is being operationalised in several settings. ; H.L.-Q. is funded through the SPHERIC and CoSTAR-HS Collaborative Center Grants from NMRC, Singapore. Mishal Khan and Johanna Hanefeld are funded through a Pump Prime Award by the UK AMR Cross Council Initiative under ESRC Grant Number ES/P003842 and Cambodia Health Systems Research Initiative Foundation grant MR/R003467/1. A.D.-B. is funded through the Pump Prime Award by the UK AMR Cross Council Initiative under ESRC Grant Number ES/P003842.

While antimicrobial resistance (AMR) has rapidly ascended the political agenda in numerous high-income countries, developing effective and sustainable policy responses in low- and middle-income countries (LMIC) is far from straightforward, as AMR could be described as a classic 'wicked problem'. Effective policy responses to combat AMR in LMIC will require a deeper knowledge of the policy process and its actors at all levels—global, regional and national—and their motivations for supporting or opposing policies to combat AMR. The influence of personal interests and connections between for-profit organisations—such as pharmaceutical companies and food producers—and policy actors in these settings is complex and very rarely addressed. In this paper, the authors describe the role of policy analysis focusing on social constructions, governance and power relations in soliciting a better understanding of support and opposition by key stakeholders for alternative AMR mitigation policies. Owing to the lack of conceptual frameworks on the policy process addressing AMR, we propose an approach to researching policy processes relating to AMR currently tested through our empirical programme of research in Cambodia, Pakistan, Indonesia and Tanzania. This new conceptualisation is based on theories of governance and a social construction framework and describes how the framework is being operationalised in several settings.

While antimicrobial resistance (AMR) has rapidly ascended the political agenda in numerous high-income countries, developing effective and sustainable policy responses in low- and middle-income countries (LMIC) is far from straightforward, as AMR could be described as a classic 'wicked problem'. Effective policy responses to combat AMR in LMIC will require a deeper knowledge of the policy process and its actors at all levels-global, regional and national-and their motivations for supporting or opposing policies to combat AMR. The influence of personal interests and connections between for-profit organisations-such as pharmaceutical companies and food producers-and policy actors in these settings is complex and very rarely addressed. In this paper, the authors describe the role of policy analysis focusing on social constructions, governance and power relations in soliciting a better understanding of support and opposition by key stakeholders for alternative AMR mitigation policies. Owing to the lack of conceptual frameworks on the policy process addressing AMR, we propose an approach to researching policy processes relating to AMR currently tested through our empirical programme of research in Cambodia, Pakistan, Indonesia and Tanzania. This new conceptualisation is based on theories of governance and a social construction framework and describes how the framework is being operationalised in several settings.

Drowning is a significant risk in fishing communities in Lake Victoria, East Africa. In the southern part of the lake, within the United Republic of Tanzania (URT), the incidence of fatal drowning is estimated at 217 people per 100,000 person-years, far exceeding the estimated national average incidence (Sarassett et al. 2019; Whitworth et al. 2019). This study aimed to identify major stakeholders and potential approaches to drowning reduction advocacy for small-scale and artisanal fishers in southern Lake Victoria. Four key research questions were the focus of the study: a. Who are the main individual and institutional actors affecting or affected by changes in drowning policies or practices related to fishers in southern Lake Victoria? b. What is the existing policy and regulatory framework governing safety on the lake for fishers in southern Lake Victoria? c. Why have efforts to increase lake safety among fishers in southern Lake Victoria been successful or unsuccessful? d. How could current and potential stakeholders become more engaged in advocacy and agenda-setting to reduce fisher drowning in southern Lake Victoria? Research methods consisted of: • Review of 18 national acts, rules, regulations, policies and plans and 20 international agreements and voluntary guidance documents that are relevant to fisher water safety and drowning reduction in southern Lake Victoria, Tanzania; • 31 semi-structured in-depth interviews primarily conducted with government officers who work directly with the fisheries industry (i.e. shipping/transport, fisheries, or police) from the local to national levels; and • 8 focus group discussions primarily conducted with fishers and fishing community leaders in four villages in southern Lake Victoria. Results: Currently the main water safety stakeholders affecting or affected by drowning-related policies and practices in southern Lake Victoria are: small-scale fishers and their families; boat owners and builders; Beach Management Units (BMUs) and other local leaders; and Tanzania Shipping Agencies Corporation (TASAC), fisheries, and marine police officers; and the East African Community (EAC), e.g. the Lake Victoria Basin Commission (LVBC). Strengths of the national policy and regulatory framework are: active collaboration between the fisheries, transport, and police sectors; the meteorology sector is becoming stronger; the fisheries and shipping sectors generally have clear policies, rules, and regulations; the health and labour sectors have broadly relevant policies; and the youth sector has a specifically relevant policy. Weaknesses and gaps are that there is no national water safety plan or strategy, as recommended by the World Health Organization (WHO 2017; WHO 2018); few national documents directly address water safety among fishers on inland waters; and there is little attention to fisher water safety education and training needs. • Strengths of the international policy and regulatory framework include the planned LVMCT Project, the ratified SADC protocols, and the detailed, voluntary guidance on fisher water safety from international bodies within which the URT is a member. • Weaknesses and gaps are that many of the international fisheries documents do not address small-scale fishers in inland waters, and very few relevant international Conventions have been ratified by the URT.

Antimicrobial resistance (AMR) has recently emerged as a salient global issue, and policy formulation to address AMR has become a contested space, with various actors sharing competing-and sometimes contradictory-explanations of the problem and the range of possible solutions. To facilitate national policy setting and implementation around AMR, more needs to be done to effectively engage policymakers in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). However, there is a dearth of research on differences in issue framing by external agencies and LMIC's national policymakers on the problem of AMR; such analyses are imperative to identify areas of conflict and/or potential convergence. We compared representations of AMR across nine policy documents produced by multilateral agencies, donor countries and an LMIC at the forefront of the global response to AMR-Pakistan. We analysed the texts in relation to five narratives that have been commonly used to frame health issues as requiring action: economic impact, stunting of human development, consequences for health equity, health security threats and relationship with food production. We found that AMR was most frequently framed as a threat to human health security and economic progress, with several US, UK and international documents depicting LMICs as 'hotspots' for AMR. Human development and equity dimensions of the problem were less frequently discussed as reasons to address the growing burden of AMR. It is clear that no single coherent narrative on AMR has emerged, with notable differences in framing in Pakistani and external agency led documents, as well as across stakeholders primarily working on human vs animal health. While framing AMR as a threat to economic growth and human security has achieved high-level political attention and catalysed action from governments in high-income countries, our analysis suggests that conflicting narratives relevant to policymakers in Pakistan may affect policy-making and impede the development and implementation of integrated initiatives needed to tackle AMR.

The humanitarian cluster approach was established in 2005 but clarity on how lessons from humanitarian clusters can inform and strengthen health system responses to mass displacement in low and middle-income countries (LMIC) is lacking. We conducted a scoping review to examine the extent and nature of existing research and identify relevant lessons. We used Arksey and O'Malley's scoping framework with Levac's 2010 revisions and Khalil's 2016 refinements, focussing on identifying lessons from discrete humanitarian clusters that could strengthen health system responses to mass population displacement. We summarised thematically by cluster. Of 186 sources included, 56% were peer-reviewed research articles. Most related to health (37%), protection (18%), or nutrition (13%) clusters. Key lessons for health system responses included the necessity of empowering women; ensuring communities are engaged in decision-making processes (e.g. planning and construction of camps and housing) to strengthen trust and bonds between and within communities; and involving potential end-users in technological innovations development (e.g. geographical information systems) to ensure relevance and applicability. Our review provided evidence that non-health clusters can contribute to improving health outcomes using focussed interventions for implementation by government or humanitarian partners to inform LMIC health system responses to mass displacement.

The humanitarian cluster approach was established in 2005 but clarity on how lessons from humanitarian clusters can inform and strengthen health system responses to mass displacement in low and middle-income countries (LMIC) is lacking. We conducted a scoping review to examine the extent and nature of existing research and identify relevant lessons. We used Arksey and O'Malley's scoping framework with Levac's 2010 revisions and Khalil's 2016 refinements, focussing on identifying lessons from discrete humanitarian clusters that could strengthen health system responses to mass population displacement. We summarised thematically by cluster. Of 186 sources included, 56% were peer-reviewed research articles. Most related to health (37%), protection (18%), or nutrition (13%) clusters. Key lessons for health system responses included the necessity of empowering women; ensuring communities are engaged in decision-making processes (e.g. planning and construction of camps and housing) to strengthen trust and bonds between and within communities; and involving potential end-users in technological innovations development (e.g. geographical information systems) to ensure relevance and applicability. Our review provided evidence that non-health clusters can contribute to improving health outcomes using focussed interventions for implementation by government or humanitarian partners to inform LMIC health system responses to mass displacement.

Background: There has been insufficient attention to a fundamental force shaping healthcare policies-conflicts of interest (COI). We investigated COI, which results in the professional judgement of a policymaker or healthcare provider being compromised by a secondary interest, in relation to antimicrobial use, thereby illuminating challenges to the regulation of medicines use more broadly. Our objectives were to characterise connections between three groups-policymakers, healthcare providers and pharmaceutical companies-that can create COI, and elucidate the impacts of COI on stages of the policy process.Methods: Using an interpretive approach, we systematically analysed qualitative data from 136 in-depth interviews and five focus group discussions in three Asian countries with dominant private healthcare sectors: Cambodia, Indonesia and Pakistan.Findings: We characterised four types of connections that were pervasive between the three groups: financial, political, social and familial. These connections created strong COI that could impact all stages of the policy process by: preventing issues related to medicines sales from featuring prominently on the agenda; influencing policy formulation towards softer regulatory measures; determining resource availability for, and opposition to, policy implementation; and shaping how accurately the success of contested policies is reported.Interpretation: Our multicountry study fills a gap in empirical evidence on how COI can impede effective policies to improve the quality of healthcare. It shows that COI can be pervasive, rather than sporadic, in influencing regulation of medicine use, and highlights that, in addition to financial connections, other types of connections should be examined as important drivers of COI.

Despite global awareness of the key factors surrounding antimicrobial resistance (AMR), designing and implementing policies to address the critical issues around the drivers of AMR remains complex to put into practice. We identified prevalent narratives and framing used by epistemological communities involved in the response to AMR in Tanzania, interrogated how this framing may inform policymaking, and identified interventions that could be tailored to the groups believed responsible for AMR. We interviewed 114 key informants from three districts and analysed transcripts line by line. Our results suggest that many different groups help drive the spread of AMR in Tanzania and need to be involved in any effective response. Human health is currently perceived as driving the response, while other domains lag behind in their efforts. For AMR programmes to be successful, all sectors need to be involved, including civil society groups, community representatives, and those working in communities (e.g., primary care physicians). However, current plans and programmes largely fail to include these viewpoints. The perceived presence of political will in Tanzania is a significant step towards such a response. Any strategies to tackle AMR need to be tailored to the context-specific realities, taking into account constraints, beliefs, and power dynamics within countries.

Despite global awareness of the key factors surrounding antimicrobial resistance (AMR), designing and implementing policies to address the critical issues around the drivers of AMR remains complex to put into practice. We identified prevalent narratives and framing used by epistemological communities involved in the response to AMR in Tanzania, interrogated how this framing may inform policymaking, and identified interventions that could be tailored to the groups believed responsible for AMR. We interviewed 114 key informants from three districts and analysed transcripts line by line. Our results suggest that many different groups help drive the spread of AMR in Tanzania and need to be involved in any effective response. Human health is currently perceived as driving the response, while other domains lag behind in their efforts. For AMR programmes to be successful, all sectors need to be involved, including civil society groups, community representatives, and those working in communities (e.g., primary care physicians). However, current plans and programmes largely fail to include these viewpoints. The perceived presence of political will in Tanzania is a significant step towards such a response. Any strategies to tackle AMR need to be tailored to the context-specific realities, taking into account constraints, beliefs, and power dynamics within countries.